A New Economic Policy for a New Malaysia

Speech by YABhg Tun Daim Zainuddin Delivered at The International Conference On Emerging Issues in Public Policy: Global Trends and Projections (IPP 2019), The Institute of Public Policy and Management, University of Malaya

A New Economic Policy for A New Malaysia
5th August 2019, 10.10 am

• Good morning to our distinguished guests, and thank you to University Malaya and specifically to the Institute of Public Policy and Management, for inviting me to speak today. I am indeed honoured to be a part of today’s conference, more so because it allows me to speak on an issue that is very close to my heart.
• The New Economic Policy started out with the best intentions, but over the years it has become a polarising policy, associated with discrimination on one hand and entitlement as to rights on the other.
• In actual fact, the NEP in its original concept and purpose, is neither of these two.

Ladies and gentlemen,

• We all know the origins of the original “New Economic Policy” that was introduced by the late Tun Abdul Razak in 1971. The racial riots of May 13, 1969 were deemed to have been caused largely by socio-economic imbalances within the Malaysian society, and so the NEP was conceived with two aims in mind – namely to reduce ethnic inequalities and to eradicate poverty irrespective of race.
• Between then and today, the NEP, in its various forms and conceptions, has spanned 11 Malaysia Plans, 48 national budgets, six PMs and now, two political coalitions. In other words, the NEP has been a constant feature in our national economic and development planning, irrespective of who or which political party has been in charge.
• We have to admit that the NEP has had its successes. Over the past five decades, hard-core poverty has been largely eliminated; the middle-class has grown; the economy has been diversified; and Malaysia has attained the status of an upper middle-income country.
• Malaysians are more urbanised, better educated, live longer, and ethnic imbalances have been reduced. These developments and changes are ones we can be proud of.
• It cannot be denied that the NEP brought political stability and peace, resulting in economic growth.
• But, and this is a big But, the NEP has also been rife with shortcomings and abuses. These began not long after the NEP was implemented and in fact prompted the late Tun Abdul Razak to say, “Some became rich overnight, while others became despicable Ali Babas and the country suffered economic setbacks”.
• Today, the NEP remains a source of much dissatisfaction while remaining probably the most defended policy of the government. So much so, any attempt to improve or better it is seen from a skewed perspective, even if these changes would bring the NEP nearer to its original purpose.
• Yet, if we continue to resist the changes that need to be done, we will pay the price. There are still pockets of abject poverty – the orang asli is a stark reminder of the indecent wealth disparity in the country; the disparity in modern infrastructure and amenities between regions is like night and day; and the educational opportunities available to the haves and have nots ensures that such income and standard of living gaps will continue to widen, if something is not done to rectify them.
• That dire introduction was just a prelude to what really needs to be done to bring this country to the level we want it to be.

State of the Government in 2018

Ladies and Gentlemen,

• On May 9th, 2018, Malaysia witnessed a historic change of government. It was a welcomed change, and one that we celebrated with nationwide euphoria with many in a state of disbelief that the masses had risen up and demanded change.
• However, as the euphoria dissipated, the weight of the tasks ahead set in. The PH Government may have had a historic win, but with that win came the burden of rebuilding the wreckage of our nation that the previous administration had left behind.
• The 1MDB scandal was not the only example of misuse of public funds. Unprecedented levels of debt and corruption had seeped into every level of Malaysian government and society, resulting in the shameless robbing of the very institutions that were established to help and uplift our rakyat. The pillage of trust bodies like FELDA, LTAT, Tabung Haji, and KWAP were astounding and heart breaking.
• The new Government learnt with considerable dismay that the previous Government had been living well beyond its means. It had indulged in borrowing off-budget, and the total debt and liabilities of the Federal Government amounted to over a trillion ringgit.
• This Government inherited an ailing economy with mixed prospects and a fiscal state in chaos. National project agreements were one- sided and had to be renegotiated.
• Rampant corruption and kleptomaniac behaviour, had deterred FDI flows and contributed to capital flight. Behind a brave façade, economic prospects were dim.
• The first task of the government therefore was to clean up the fiscal mess that was left behind – a task which the Government is still working on up to this day.
• In tandem with the economic mess, there were also political and institutional issues that needed addressing.
• The PH Manifesto had laid the groundwork for urgent reforms of institutions, the reinstatement of the rule of law and the empowerment of the civil movement, but it faced many challenges as it went about gearing itself to start the humongous task of delivering upon its Manifesto.
• Many of the reform efforts are in place and ongoing. We’ve had our blips, and our no-longer new Ministers and Deputy Ministers have to buck up and step up. The eyes of the Rakyat are on them.

Current Initiatives

Ladies and Gentlemen,

• Chief among the initiatives that have been taken are moves to ensure the independence of the three arms of government – legislative, executive and the judiciary. For too long, the lines have become blurred and there was neither impartiality nor accountability in the government.
• Today, things are far from perfect, but progress has been made, without a doubt. Unpopular changes have been enforced. But these changes sit uncomfortably with those who would lose the most, and thus in order to protect their own selfish interests, these parties resorted to playing the race and religious cards.
• Sad to say, to a certain extent, their campaign has succeeded. We have seen ICERD and the Rome Statute shelved, the Government has had to justify every step of the way, the appointment of non- Malays and women to important administrative posts, and it has had to battle fire after fire that has been lit with the insidious flame of religious and racial uprising.
• We need to question why certain quarters are afraid of these changes and more importantly, we need to question how is it that they managed to rally support for their rhetoric and hate campaigns?
• I have mentioned in previous speeches that in the case of the Malays, many seem to see ghosts around every corner. It seems that these ghosts are getting more numerous and more easily visible with each passing generation. Surely, we have to look at how our children are being educated – formally, religiously and morally – as an indication of where our community is heading.

NEP in the New Malaysia: Education Reform

Ladies and Gentlemen,

• I have said it before and I will say it again, no Economic Policy can be effective if we do not first attack the issues at the educational level. While educational reform is part of the PH agenda, the snail’s pace at which these reforms are taking place gives credence to the grumbles and complaints that perhaps the political will to push through real changes is severely lacking.
• We are still arguing over whether we should teach Maths and Science in English when the rest of the world has embarked on advanced curriculums that focus of Industrial Revolution 4.0 (IR4) so as to make their youth more competitive and relevant in a world that is going to be dominated by artificial intelligence and robotics.
• To participate in IR4, we must go through a knowledge-based economy and here Malaysia has failed because the Government, through the Ministry of Education, has not got its priorities right. The Education Ministry must not fail our nation.
• While we are still mired in the political rhetoric of languages, others around us have moved beyond English or Mandarin or Bahasa Malaysia into the language of programming and coding. When will we realise just how far behind we are and lacking?
• We have many things to consider when preparing our youth for the future – what are the uniquely human skills that we can develop for the future of the workplace? How can we work with technology to improve human life? How can we protect our country, and indeed our planet, against the effects of exploiting natural resources?
• By asking the right questions and taking them into consideration in policy formation, we can create an environment where people are allowed to maximise their potential and pursue creative pursuits that are complemented by technology, not replaced by it.
• While some are busy blaming “others” and foreigners of taking away our jobs, the reality is that technology will impact the most on future employment as robots replace humans in menial tasks. But where one window closes, another opens.
• Fields such as Artificial Intelligence, Big Data, Robotics, Supply Chain Logistics, and Smart Manufacturing need skilled workers and indeed, the World Economic Forum has estimated that 133 million jobs will emerge as technology advances.
• So the question is: “Are we in Malaysia ready for this leap?” Let’s be brutally honest here – we are not. In fact we are far from ready. We are still playing catch up with IR4 training when others are already gearing for the 5th Industrial Revolution.
• But while we focus on skills, we must also not forget the education of the soul. How we teach religion to our young, and what sort of values we instil in them at home and at the school level, will impact greatly on the type of adults they evolve into.
• We must empower them with the ability to think critically, logically, wisely and to make their own informed decisions no matter the situation. We must raise a new generation of leaders and great thinkers, not of sheep and cowards.
• Positive moral values must be inculcated amongst our youth, and emphasised in the Malaysian workforce. We must take pride in our work and in ourselves. It is not too late for those of us who are adults to start living with integrity.
• Do we gain anything by teaching the young that they have the right of entitlement over all others simply because of their race? Is it right to be instilling in students the thinking that all other religions are inferior to yours?
• Is it moral to drill into students that other students are not entitled to certain privileges simply because they are not of a certain race, even if they are economically disadvantaged? Is it right to think that if you are of a certain race that is economically successful, then you look down on others from a race that isn’t?
• Is it right that you are taught to feel superior because the language you are taught in is also the language of an economically powerful nation?
• There needs to be understanding and empathy across the racial divide.
• And that leads to the next aspect of a new NEP – moving from a race-based to a needs-based approach.

NEP in the New Malaysia: Needs-based as Opposed to Race-based

Ladies and Gentlemen,

• The PM has announced that the concept of “Shared Prosperity” would underpin the nation’s future development philosophy. Of course, this impacts on the most sensitive of issues – the Bumiputera Agenda.
• Without a doubt, Bumiputera-based policies stemmed from the fact that Bumiputeras remain amongst the poorest and most neglected groups. But if this is the case, then surely what we have been doing all these years vis-à-vis the Bumiputera agenda has not quite achieved its intended target.
• It is time for a new approach, to start afresh and truly change the lives of those amongst us who are not reaping the rewards of national development. The difference is that we must now target those amongst the rakyat who need assistance the most.
• We can no longer allow Bumiputera interventions to continue to enrich those among us who have benefited from these policies, yet continue to take advantage of loopholes in the policies, to continue enriching themselves at the expense of those who need help.
• We must also acknowledge that although Bumiputeras are indeed disproportionately represented amongst the poor, other races too are deeply affected by poverty and low standards of living.
• We must acknowledge those among us who have been neglected and left to their own devices. Those among us who have not had their fair share, or even a fair chance to participate in national growth and development.
• I am referring to our Orang Asli community, our urban poor, our rural folks, and all those who have not really benefited in the national agenda. I am referring to the people who should have been recipients of MARA scholarships and attendees of MRSM colleges, and yet were pushed aside in favour of those who could have well afforded the education on their own.
• We have been robbing the poor to further uplift those that don’t deserve the support, and this widening of the education and income gap must come to an end. The fear mongering is only to encourage and continue this abuse. Its time to stop the “them versus us” rhetoric.
• Policy wise, the B40, irrespective of race, must be given priority. We must ensure that they can sustain their livelihood and continue to contribute to the national economy. As the majority among the B40 group, Bumiputeras will still stand to benefit the most. Those who don’t deserve assistance, will not get it. And this should be the case.
• The new NEP must take this into consideration and approach the Bumiputera dilemma with a fresh perspective, to ensure that all Malaysians can have their fair share of our national prosperity. Any policy must result in justice for all.
• We have to admit that trying to keep the Malays in their own cocoons will only ensure that they will be the ones left far behind. While the other races are competing with each other and with the rest of the world, the Malays are faced with political rhetoric that insists that they remain spoon-fed and pampered. This will only soften the Malays and in an increasingly globalised economic scenario, this will not do them any good.
• And this brings me to the third aspect of what any NEP should address – Globalisation.

NEP in the New Malaysia: Global Trade and Collaboration

Ladies and Gentlemen,

• Any new NEP cannot be devised by considering only the local economy. It has to take into consideration what is happening around us. The world is increasingly globalised – we need to embrace it. In order to survive and thrive, we have to synchronise with other global partners. We cannot have a silo mentality.
• We need to look at opportunities which capitalise on Malaysia’s strengths and comparative advantages such as the halal industry, agriculture, tourism, palm oil and even arts and culture. In order to capitalise on these advantages, we need to enhance global collaboration and global linkages.
• Malaysia is a small trading economy and has no influence in the policy decisions made by the US or China. Instead, we are affected in the medium to long term by the trade conflict that is hurting the global economy. Essentially, we would like both the US and China to work towards an amicable solution sooner.
• We believe that ultimately, good sense would prevail among the leaders in finding solutions to end the conflict. But in the meantime, we must know how to position ourselves and how to reap any benefits that could come from a final outcome. As I said earlier – when one window closes, another opens.
• Malaysia stands to gain over time from the trade diversion as the US-China trade war wages on, but this effect will not outweigh the drag from weaker global growth until late next year. Will we be ready to reap these benefits when the time comes? The preparatory work must surely begin now.
• This challenge should not fall on the shoulders of the government alone. The GLCs and the GLICs – the giants that they have become – must also surely play their parts in preparing SMEs to step in and fill the gaps that the China-USA rupture will create.

NEP in the New Malaysia: The Role of SMEs and the Banking Sector

• One of the main concerns in encouraging SMEs to flourish is their access to banking and credit. GLCs in the banking industry could perhaps look at rejigging their financing models with more out-of- the-box loans for industry. One of the means for this could be the setting up of smaller subsidiaries catering purely to such financing needs. This can then be further expanded to think of new financing initiatives for housing and educational needs, especially for the B40 group.
• We Malaysians need to review the definition of delinquient loans and take a developmental approach. Certain lenders, like SME Corp and Agro Bank, have a different mandate, and are able to take up these business loans. The SME loan segment is understandably riskier from a credit perspective, and needs a framework that can take these specific risks into consideration whilst still giving lenders the legroom to cater to the needs of this group.
• We also need to have a concerted approach to industries that are under the national economic agenda. For example, if we are serious about developing Malaysia as a modern agricultural nation, there should be a framework on how financial institutions can support businesses in this industry.
• We all know that newly set-up businesses have a gestation period, or some time required to start earning income and regularising cash flow.
• The current financing terms require repayment of loans or interest servicing to commence immediately. This is not conducive to the agriculture and start-up industry, as the gestation period is normally around 12 months.
• A possible solution to this would be to allow banks to structure these loans such that repayment takes place later, in line with the projected cashflow of these companies. The government can identify specific industries in line with the National Economic plan, whereby companies within these sectors have specific guidelines with regards to loans.
• Could we see such changes leading to the bigger role that SMEs will play in the country’s future economic development? Can we ready the SMEs to be the leading players in spurring growth? Can SMEs become the main players of a new NEP?

NEP in the New Malaysia: Moving Forward

• As it stands, I believe that investment and capital flow are the biggest concerns for our economy today. Then there is also the issue of political stability and the never ending question of the succession plan. All these issues have an impact on growth and economic activity.
• Locally as well as globally, stock markets want certainty and stability. We need social and political stability in order to make calculated investments in the economy.
• We have had a relatively smooth change in administration, and the transition in leadership has been peaceful, and this is sending the right signal to the world.
• However, Malaysia must also show that we have clarity in the policies the Government intends to implement, and that the Government is also able to take a proactive role in addressing the national economy.
• Our nation needs stimulus to get the economy moving again, but this must be carefully planned. There are already calls for a more expansionary fiscal policy – do we go down that path and if so, how far down that path do we travel?
• Whilst many may overlook its importance, the inability of any Government to effectively communicate its long-term plans and strategies, often translates to a loss in confidence among investors both local and foreign.
• The Government should be clear in communicating that Malaysia is open for business, and there should be clear and concise guidelines on both local and foreign investments. Malaysia has always been a friendly country for investors, and we need to show them that it is safe to come back again. The narrative must be clear we are serious about foreign investment, and about national development.

Conclusion

Ladies and Gentlemen,

• It is not just Malaysia that is changing, but the entire world. And it is changing at a blinding pace, one that is difficult to keep up with both due to the pace of change but also because of the volume of information (and also misinformation) that is flooding our consciousness.
• But while we look forward, it is also imperative that we look back. Are we getting our basics right? Are our fundamentals solid?
• Let us not be under any illusions. We are still far from being out of the woods. We are far from being ready for the changes happening around us. We are far from being a united people. We are far from being able to compete at the global level. We are far from being able to embrace differences and changes. And underpinning all of this unpreparedness is education.
• If we do not first get education right, all these other challenges will suddenly become insurmountable. To borrow a quote from Alvin Toffler: “The illiterate of the 21st Century are not those who cannot read or write, but those who cannot learn, unlearn and relearn.”
• I would like to add to this by saying, “not only those who cannot learn, unlearn and relearn, but also those who refuse to learn.”
• Underlying all these, there must be unity, and a sense of urgency.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

• With this, I thank you for listening and wish all of you a successful conference.

Teks Ucaptama Tun Daim Zainuddin tentang “Naratif Malaysia: Melayu dalam Persoalan Nasional”

Untuk memahami iklim politik semasa kita pada hari ini, adalah penting untuk kita menoleh ke belakang melihat sejarah. Kusut di hujung, balik ke pangkal.

Sejarah bangsa Melayu bermula jauh sebelum terbentuknya Tanah Melayu. Kita adalah pewaris kepada empayar-empayar agung daripada Langkasuka kepada Srivijaya kepada Majapahit hinggalah ke Melaka. Dan Melaka pula adalah kisah empayar kita yang termasyhur sebagai sebuah pelabuhan yang terulung di dunia. Kejayaannya di peringkat antarabangsa itu akhirnya telah mengundang kuasa Eropah untuk datang menjajah.

Apabila Melaka jatuh ke tangan penjajah Portugis, keturunan Sultan Melaka yang terselamat telah membangunkan sebuah empayar baru di negeri Johor pula. Mereka menguasai bahagian selatan Semenanjung Tanah Melayu yang meliputi wilayah Riau, Anambas, Natuna, Tambelan, Borneo dan Sumatera. Kejayaan empayar baru ini telah dikaitkan dengan kebijakan dan kepintaran pemerintah-pemerintah mereka serta dasar keterbukaan yang mereka amalkan dalam perdagangan antarabangsa.

Kembali kepada sejarah yang lebih baru, cadangan penubuhan Malayan Union oleh British pada tahun 1946 dan juga penentangan yang lahir daripadanya di bawah kepimpinanan UMNO adalah merupakan peristiwa utama yang mencetuskan perubahan penting dalam penyusunan pertubuhan politik orang Melayu.    

Malangnya perpaduan orang Melayu tidak dapat bertahan lama. Kita tidak tahu bagaimana untuk menangani kejayaan. Dan orang Melayu pun mula berpecah. Bila kita berjaya, kita mabuk dengan kejayaan. Bila kita gagal, kita mula mencari kambing hitam dan kemudiannya melakukan amok.

Perjuangan kita menentang Malayan Union dari satu sudut adalah suatu pencapaian kemerdekaan sejati yang pertama kita perolehi apabila penjajah British tunduk kepada tuntutan kita dan membatalkan Malayan Union. Kita menjadi tuan di tanah air kita sendiri.

Tapi suasana politik di masa itu berubah dan ramai daripada orang bukan Melayu mula menganggap bahawa Malaya juga adalah tanah air mereka. Dan mereka menuntut supaya suara mereka turut diambilkira di dalam tanah air baru mereka ini.

Pada tahun 1951, buat pertama kalinya, Dato’ Onn telah cuba untuk menyatukan pelbagai kaum yang ada di Malaya pada ketika itu di bawah satu parti politik. Beliau telah mengajukan supaya keanggotaan UMNO dibuka kepada bukan Melayu. Namun begitu, anggota UMNO pada waktu itu telah menolak cadangan tersebut. Dato’ Onn kemudiannya meninggalkan UMNO.

Walau pun cubaan untuk menyatukan pelbagai kaum di bawah satu parti gagal tetapi pilihanraya tahun 1952 telah menjadi penanda kepada suatu kerjasama politik yang pertama kali diadakan antara Melayu dan bukan Melayu. Ini berlaku apabila UMNO dan MCA bergabung tenaga untuk meraih kemenangan dalam pilihanraya tersebut.

Gabungan antara UMNO dan MCA ini kemudiannya disertai pula oleh MIC untuk membentuk Parti Perikatan. Ini adalah tanda kepada suatu bentuk perpaduan politik antara masyarakat pelbagai kaum di Malaya ketika itu. Gabungan parti-parti yang membentuk Perikatan ini kemudiannya memperolehi kejayaan besar dalam pilihanraya tahun 1955 pula. Selepas daripada itu bermulalah siri perundingan untuk kemerdekaan di mana semua warga Malaya berganding bahu untuk sama-sama membebaskan negara daripada cengkaman penjajahan. Daripada episod sejarah ini kita belajar bahawa kita menjadi lebih kuat bila kita bersama-sama iaitu – apabila semua warga Malaysia bersatu-padu, kita mampu untuk mengatasi apa sahaja cabaran dan halangan yang berada di hadapan kita.

Semua ini berlaku dengan berlatarbelakangkan perang bersenjata yang berterusan melawan pengganas ketika Darurat sedang berlangsung di mana semua kaum berganding bahu berjuang untuk mencapai kemenangan. Kita adalah satu-satunya negara dalam dunia ini yang berjaya menewaskan pengganas.

Kemudian Persekutuan Malaysia dibentuk dan seterusnya berlaku konfrontasi dengan Indonesia. Dan di sepanjang peristiwa konfrontasi tersebut orang Melayu dan bukan Melayu berkerja bersama-sama untuk mencapai matlamat nasional.

Justeru, Malaysia mempunyai sejarah yang kuat dan kaya berhubung dengan usaha membangunkan keharmonian antara-kaum dan kepelbagaian budaya atau multi-kulturalisme sejak daripada awal penubuhannya lagi. Namun begitu kita perlu akui, keadaan di Malaysia masih lagi kompleks dan rumit dengan pekerjaan dan sektor-sektor ekonomi yang terbahagi dan dikenalpasti mengikut garis kaum, ketaksamaan pendapatan antara kaum yang masih ada dan wujudnya sistem pendidikan yang berbeza dan terpisah-pisah.

Tidak dapat dinafikan bahawa Malaysia akan makmur jika sekiranya orang Melayu juga turut makmur. Kita tidak boleh mempunyai 50% daripada penduduk negara berada di bawah kategori kumpulan berpendapatan rendah. Jika ini berlaku, akan terjadilah ketidakstabilan ekonomi yang akan memberi kesan kepada semua orang tanpa mengira kaum atau status ekonomi.

Untuk Malaysia berjaya, orang Melayu mesti turut berjaya. Tapi ini hanya boleh dicapai di dalam konteks nasional di mana Melayu dan bukan Melayu berkerja bersama-sama untuk kebaikan dan kepentingan Malaysia.

Kenapa orang Melayu boleh berkerja dengan begitu rapat bersama orang bukan Melayu daripada zaman sebelum merdeka sehinggalah membawa kepada kemerdekaan dan berlangsung sampai kini di zaman pasca-merdeka? Walau pun ketika kita berhadapan dengan serangan dan pencerobohan daripada negara luar, hampir tiada langsung timbul pertanyaan tentang siapakah yang sepatutnya lebih memiliki Malaysia – orang Melayu atau bukan Melayu. Hakikatnya ialah hanya ketika ahli politik memutuskan untuk menggunakan kaum dan agama sebagai alat politik untuk mendapatkan kuasa, barulah kita terjatuh ke dalam sengketa.  

Seminar ini bertajuk Naratif Malaysia: Melayu Dalam Persoalan Nasional. Pertanyaan saya kepada anda semua ialah: Tidakkah seharusnya kita berbincang hanya tentang naratif nasional? Kenapa perlu kita membahagikan naratif nasional mengikut garis kaum dan agama?

Tapi jika sekiranya niat anda adalah untuk mencari jawapan kepada ketaksamaan ekonomi dan kenapa orang Melayu ketinggalan dari sudut ekonomi, jadi saya sungguh-sungguh berharap agar seminar ini dapat memberikan jawapannya.

Apabila kita bercakap tentang Melayu, kita mesti bercakap tentang Islam. Orang Melayu dan Islam saling terikat kejap antara satu sama lain. Kedua-duanya tidak boleh dibincangkan secara terpisah. Namun begitu, keterikatan antara Melayu dan Islam ini juga telah mendorong kepada ketidakpedulian dan pengabaian terhadap budaya serta warisan dari rantau kita sendiri yang kita tinggalkan apabila kita memilih budaya asing (terutamanya Arabisasi) yang telah mempengaruhi rasa tidak selamat orang Melayu. Sehinggakan sesiapa sahaja yang tidak bercakap seperti mana kita dan semua yang kita tidak persetujui – ianya dianggap sebagai semacam ancaman terhadap Melayu dan Islam.

Kita mesti bertanya kepada diri kita sendiri – adakah ini benar? Kenapa jadi begini? Sejak bila Melayu dan Muslim merasa begitu tidak selamat sekali tentang kedudukan kita di negara ini? Dahulu ketika orang Melayu masih terkebelakang di dalam ekonomi berbanding sekarang dan ketika dulu kita masih lagi ketinggalan dalam pendidikan, kita sudah pun berjaya menewaskan penjajah British dengan menolak cadangan penubuhan Malayan Union. Dulu kita berani.

Kita tahu bagaimana untuk menyusun secara kolektif dan strategik. Kita menggunakan akal kita untuk mengalahkan kuasa penjajah. Kita berjaya memperolehi kemerdekaan tanpa menumpahkan darah. Kita tiada masalah untuk berkerja bersama-sama orang bukan Melayu. Malahan kita turut belajar daripada kaum-kaum lain.

Nampaknya seperti semakin Melayu maju semakin kuat pula rasa tidak selamat kita. Kenapa ini berlaku? Apakah kerana ketika kita tidak dibekalkan dengan ‘tongkat’, maka kita punya maruah dan harga diri, dan ini menjadikan orang Melayu merasakan kedudukan mereka lebih selamat di dalam negara ini?

Kita tidak kekurangan sosok-sosok hero. Negeri Johor sendiri mempunyai sejarah yang kaya dengan pahlawan yang gagah-perkasa, seniman yang tersohor, penyair, ahli sukan, santis, doktor, ahli akademik dan juga ahli perniagaan.

Di Johor ada Dato’ Muhammad Salleh Bin Perang yang merupakan Dato’ Bentara Luar. Beliau adalah orang pertama yang membuat peta Johor dengan tepat tanpa menggunakan teknologi ukur-tanah yang ada pada hari ini. Beliau adalah Ketua Jabatan Ukur dan Tanah Negeri Johor dan peta yang dilukiskan oleh beliau itu digunakan untuk membangunkan negeri Johor. Beliau seorang Melayu tetapi fasih dalam bahasa Cina dan berpengetahuan tentang budaya Cina. Ini membolehkan beliau berkerja rapat dengan orang-orang Cina dalam membangunkan ekonomi Johor.

Di dalam bidang politik sendiri, senarai tokoh-tokoh Johor tidak pernah putus. Tun Hussein Onn, ‘Bapa Perpaduan’ negara adalah berasal daripada Johor. Begitu juga dengan bapa beliau sendiri iaitu Dato’ Onn adalah pengasas UMNO. Bapa kepada Dato’ Onn pula iaitu Dato’ Jaafar Muhammad adalah merupakan Menteri Besar Johor yang pertama dan yang paling lama berkhidmat di dalam kerajaan negeri Johor.

Kedua-dua Timbalan Perdana Menteri Malaysia iaitu Tun Dr. Ismail dan Tun Musa Hitam juga adalah anak Johor. Keluarga Tun Ismail sendiri merupakan keluarga yang cukup terkemuka termasuklah bapa mertua beliau Dato’ Seth Said, yang merupakan Timbalan Menteri Besar Johor dan menjadi sebahagian daripada wakil negara dalam perundingan kemerdekaan dan menandatangani perjanjian kemerdekaan tanpa perkenan Sultan. Tanpa beliau, kita mungkin tidak akan memperolehi kemerdekaan.

Johor juga turut melahirkan Presiden Senat, iaitu Dato’ Abdul Rahman Yasin. Beliau adalah bapa kepada Tun Dr. Ismail. Manakala abang ipar Tun Dr. Ismail pula iaiatu Tan Sri Jeneral Ghazali Seth adalah Ketua Turus Pertahanan Negara dan beliau berkahwin dengan Puan Sri Norziah – kakak kepada Tun Hussein Onn, anak perempuan Dato’ Onn Jaafar.

Tun Dr. Ismail mendapat pendidikan beliau di Sekolah Melayu Bukit Zaharah di Johor Baharu bersama dua lagi tokoh terkemuka iaitu abang beliau sendiri, Dato’ Sulaiman Abdul Rahman dan Tan Sri Ahmad Perang yang kemudiannya menjadi orang Melayu pertama yang menjawat jawatan Pengerusi Keretapi Tanah Melayu (KTM).

Tan Sri Mohamed Noah Bin Omar – Speaker Dewan Rakyat yang pertama – adalah juga daripada Johor. Keluarga beliau juga merupakan sebuah keluarga yang hebat – kedua-dua anak perempuan beliau berkahwin dengan lelaki-lelaki yang kemudiannya menjadi Perdana Menteri negara kita. Tun Rahah, isteri kepada Tun Razak dan Tun Suhaila, isteri kepada Tun Hussein Onn.

Tun Razak mendapat pendidikan beliau di Kolej Raffles bersama seorang lagi anak Johor iaitu Tan Sri Taib Andak, yang mana nama Felda Taib Andak di Kulai itu diambil bersempena dengan nama beliau. Abang beliau pula, Dato’ Rahman Andak pula adalah antara orang yang pertama berkempen untuk kemerdekaan Johor. Beliau menjadi Setiausaha Kerajaan Negeri Johor pada tahun 1984.

Gabenor Bank Negara – Tan Sri Aziz Taha, Tan Sri Jaffar Hussein dan Tan Sri Zeti Aziz – semuanya adalah anak Johor. Profesor Ungku Aziz, bapa kepada Tan Sri Zeti adalah seorang pakar ekonomi ulung negara. Datuk kepada Tan Sri Zeti, Syed Mohammed Alsagoff, pernah menjadi pemilik Pulau Kukup di Johor dan sempat diberikan konsesi untuk mencetak wang beliau sendiri. Dan pada hari ini, kita menggunakan wang kertas yang ditandatangani oleh cucu perempuan beliau.

Jadi, persoalannya kenapa perlu kita merasa tidak selamat sedangkan kita mempunyai legasi kejayaan Melayu seperti yang saya bentangkan di atas?

Sekali lagi saya sebutkan, apakah kerana setelah sekian lama kita diberikan dengan pelbagai bentuk ‘tongkat’, kesan yang kita terima menjadikan orang Melayu lemah, rasa tidak selamat dan yang paling menonjol ialah kekurangan daya tahan? Apakah yang mendorong kepada lahirnya ketidaktahanan dan kurang keyakinan itu? Kelihatannya ketika orang Melayu berhadapan dengan cabaran getir seperti perjuangan menuntut kemerdekaan, ketahanan dan keyakinan kita jauh lebih kuat.

Dan apabila kesenangan, keselesaan serta kualiti hidup kita telah meningkat – keyakinan dan daya tahan kita telah meluntur. Pemerhatian ini memerlukan suatu cerminan-diri yang jujur terhadap diri kita sendiri. Daripada kita meletakkan kesalahan kepada mereka yang dipersepsikan sebagai musuh, adalah lebih untuk kita merenung ke dalam diri dan berusaha untuk memperbaiki diri kita sendiri daripada menyalahkan orang lain di atas segala kelemahan, kemunduran dan keterbelakangan kita. Kita kelihatannya takut terhadap bayang-bayang sendiri.

Pada hari ini, dari setiap dua puluh orang Melayu, seorang daripadanya adalah lepasan ijazah universiti. Walau pun kita sekarang ini mempunyai pendidikan yang lebih tinggi dan peratusan orang Melayu yang berpelajaran juga lebih besar, namun kita masih gagal untuk meyakinkan diri kita sendiri bahawasanya tiada apa yang perlu ditakuti oleh orang Melayu di negara ini. Apakah Melayu berfikiran strategik, kritikal dan logikal? Nampaknya semakin hari semakin ketara bahawa orang Melayu berfikir melalui emosi dan perasaan daripada melalui akal dan otak. Kita mesti menanyakan diri kita sendiri – apakah yang sedang berlaku kepada kita?

Kita telah membiarkan emosi menguasai diri dan mempengaruhi bagaimana kita melihat orang lain. Kita menonton cerita hantu di panggung wayang. Apabila majalah Mastika tidak lagu menulis cerita-cerita hantu, maka tamatlah pengedarannya dan sekarang tiada lagi Mastika di pasaran. Namun begitu, sekarang ini walau pun kita tidak lagi membaca cerita-cerita hantu di Mastika tetapi sebagai gantinya kita melihat pula hantu di setiap ceruk dan sudut.

Daripada menggunakan logik dan fakta, kita sebaliknya lebih suka memilih untuk mendengar retorik perkauman yang dibawa oleh ahli politik yang diragui wibawanya.

Memandangkan pada hari ini saya bercakap di hadapan ahli akademik, saya ingin mengajukan soalan ini kepada anda semua: Apakah peranan yang perlu anda mainkan bagi menyuntik logik dan fakta ke dalam naratif Malaysia? Adakah anda berniat untuk mengikut sahaja arus emosi atau melihat bahawasanya adalah menjadi tanggungjawab akademik anda untuk mempersoalkan naratif yang tidak rasional yang sedang dijolok masuk ke dalam kerongkong orang Melayu?

Adakah anda sebagai orang yang berpelajaran tinggi akan bercakap secara jujur dan berani tentang apa yang berlaku atau adakah anda hanya akan berpura-pura mengatakan bahawa sentimen perkauman yang semakin merebak ini sebagai sesuatu yang wajar terjadi?

Anda yang berada dalam dewan ini semuanya berpendidikan tinggi tapi berapa ramaikah di antara anda yang menerima retorik politik yang tak masuk akal ini yang mengatakan bahawa Melayu di negara ini sedang diancam oleh bukan Melayu? Adakah kedudukan Islam terancam hanya kerana terdapat seorang dua yang tidak cukup sensitif yang membuat pos tentang nabi Muhammad?

Agama tidak mungkin terhina. Hanya manusia yang merasa terhina.Kalau iman kita kuat, kita tidak akan rasa terhina. Malahan, kita ketwa melihat kejahilan dan kebebalan tersebut. Dan sepatutnya perangai yang kita tunjukkan itu adalah suatu cerminan yang terbaik buat agama kita. Hanya dengan itu kita dan agama kita akan memperolehi hormat daripada orang lain.

Negara kita adalah negara yang berbilang kaum dan berbilang agama. Kita telah menunjukkan kemampuan untuk hidup bersama dengan aman dan damai. Kita sensitif kepada jiran tetangga kita dan kita saling hormat-menghormati antara satu sama lain. Inilah cara kita.

Adalah menjadi satu kesalahan untuk menghina sesiapa sahaja, apatah lagi seorang nabi. Menghina dan mengejek-ejek agama adalah suatu tindakan yang bodoh. Tapi negara kita mempunyai undang-undang dan kita perlu menghormati proses undang-undang tersebut. Ramai yang telah lupa Rukun Negara kita. Dokumen yang paling penting adalah Perlembagaan.

Seharusnya tiada seorang pun warga Malaysia membuat komen-komen yang tidak sensitif tentang agama lain dan kaum lain. Tapi apa yang telah terjadi dengan perisytiharan jihad ke atas bukan Muslim baru-baru ini?

Jika sekiranya orang Muslim mahu melakukan jihad, maka jihad yang sepatutnya dibuat itu ialah untuk memperbaiki diri kita bukan sahaja dari sudut kerohanian tetapi juga ekonomi dan akademik serta jihad yang membolehkan kita menyumbang ke arah kemajuan negara kita sendiri.

Kita berbicara tentang naratif Melayu seakan-akan kita sudah hampir-hampir terhalau daripada negara kita sendiri. Terlalu banyak kemarahan dan keberangan yang ditunjukkan apabila bukan Melayu dilantik ke jawatan-jawatan tinggi dalam kerajaan, seolah-olah ini adalah suatu perkara baru.

Kenapa tiada kemarahan yang sama ditunjukkan apabila kita berhadapan dengan hakikat rasuah, korupsi dan kleptokrasi yang paling buruk yang melibatkan pemimpin-pemimpin Melayu peringkat tertinggi? Kita langsung tiada rasa malu apabila berita tersebut tersiar ke seluruh dunia. Sebaliknya kita membalas dengan “Malu apa?” Kalau tak malu, apa jadi kepada iman kita?

Orang Melayu boleh terus menggunakan jalan emosi dan tidak rasional ini atas tanggungan risiko kita sendiri, atau pun kita boleh berhenti sejenak, berfikir, membuat cerminan dan mengajukan perubahan.

Tiada siapa pun yang memaksa kita untuk menjadi emosi atau tidak rasional. Kita sendiri yang memilih jalan tersebut kerana kita sendiri jugalah yang membenarkan diri kita dipengaruhi oleh ahli politik yang matlamat utamanya hanyalah untuk mendapatkan kuasa semula tanpa mempertimbangkan harga yang perlu dibayar – dan sering kali pula harganya kitalah yang harus menanggungnya.

Jadi, pilihan adalah di tangan kita – apakah kita hendak duduk macam katak di bawah tempurung? Atau kita berubah dan menjadi kuasa yang dihormati dalam konteks agenda nasional Malaysia Baru? Atau kita masih tetap mahu menggunakan jalan yang sama yang kita lalui sekarang ini dengan mengangkat naratif sempit yang hanya memfokuskan kepada diri kita semata-mata? Atau apakah kita akan membuka jalan yang benar-benar nasional iaitu jalan naratif Malaysia di mana kita menyertainya secara aktif dan memainkan peranan penting di dalamnya?

Agenda nasional bukan agenda Melayu atau agenda bukan Melayu. Agenda nasional adalah agenda Malaysia yang mengambil kira kepentingan seluruh warga Malaysia. Agenda yang melawan kemiskinan dan ketaksamaan tanpa diskriminasi dan menghormati Perlembagaan.

Saya berasa gembira kerana siri seminar ini menyasarkan fokus perbincangan kepada empat sektor iaitu politik, ekonomi, budaya dan agama. Ayuh kita betulkan semua ini. Dan untuk kita membetulkan semua ini, sistem pendidikan kita mestilah berubah. Jangan kita memperlakukan pendidikan seperti mana politik bola yang disepak ke sana ke sini. Sistem pendidikan mestilah betul.

Masa depan kita, masa depan Malaysia akan bergantung kepada bentuk sistem pendidikan yang betul yang kita wariskan kepada anak cucu kita yang akan menjadikan mereka manusia yang berkeyakinan diri dalam menghadapi yang terbaik di dalam dunia.

Pastikan sistem pendidikan kita betul, dan politik serta ekonomi akan turut mengikut menjadi betul. Akal tanpa emosi akan menentukan masa depan kita dan masa depan Malaysia.

Dedahkan anak-anak kita kepada dunia dan mereka akan mahu menjadi cemerlang dan mereka akan melindungi yang terbaik daripada budaya kita.

Tidak ada salah atau silap dengan Islam. Islam bukan diancam, tidak digugat. Islam adalah agama yang paling pesat berkembang di dalam dunia ini.

Saya ingin menasihati anda semua supaya jangan mengikut ahli politik secara membuta tuli. Seperti yang telah saya nyatakan di awal ucapan saya, untuk Malaysia berjaya, orang Melayu mesti berjaya. Saya kerap kali mengulangi kata-kata ini iaitu iqra’ – baca untuk kita menimba ilmu dan berfikir secara kritis. Pilihlah jalan yang betul yang akan membawa kita kepada kejayaan. 

Masa adalah sangat penting dan kita cukup pandai membuang masa. Kita akan ditewaskan oleh masa. Ayuh kita katakan kepada diri kita sendiri bahawa mulai dari saat ini kita tidak akan mengulangi kesilapan lampau. Kita akan berikan pendidikan yang terbaik kepada anak cucu kita agar mereka boleh bersaing dan berjaya. Ayuh kita tinggalkan kegagalan dan ketidakyakinan kita di belakang dan mulakan masa depan kita sekarang.

Tinggalkan dewan ini nantinya dengan penuh keyakinan dan rasa percaya dengan diri kita sendiri. Beritahu anak-cucu kita bahawa kita akan bersaing dan kita akan berjaya.

Teks ucaptama ini dibentangkan pertama kali di UTM Skudai pada 19 Mac 2019 dalam majlis Perasmian Siri Seminar “Naratif Malaysia: Melayu dalam Persoalan Nasional” yang dianjurkan oleh IKMAS, UKM.

Tun Daim Zainuddin’s Speech on “The Narrative of Malaysia: Malay in the National Question”

To understand our current political climate, it is important to look back at our history. Kusut di hujung, balik ke pangkal.

The history of the Malays starts from long before the formation of Tanah Melayu. We are descendants of great empires, from Langkasuka, to Srivijaya, to Majapahit, to Melaka. Melaka, of course, is our most popular tale, that of a world-famous port whose global success led to its eventual colonisation.

And when Melaka fell to the Portuguese, those descendants of Sultan Melaka who survived founded a new empire here in Johor. They took control of the southern Malay Peninsula, spreading across Riau, Anambas, Natuna, Tambelan, Borneo, and Sumatra. Their success was attributed to the wisdom of their rulers, and their openness to international trade.

In more recent history, the formation of the Malayan Union and the subsequent opposition led by UMNO were significant events that triggered real change in the political organisation of the Malays. Dato’ Onn Jaafar, himself from Bukit Gambir and an MB of Johor, founded UMNO in 1946, signalling the height of Malay political supremacy. We were united and we were strong.

But our unity did not last. We didn’t know how to deal with success; the Malays started to split. When we are successful, we are drunk with success. When we fail, we look for scapegoats and go amok.

Our battle with the Malayan Union was in a way, the first true independence that we achieved – when the British backed down. We became masters of our own land.

But the political landscape changed, and many non-Malays began to consider Malaya home and demanded a say in their new homeland.

In 1951, Dato’ Onn made the first attempt to unify the races in a single party when he tried to open the membership of UMNO to non-Malays. However, UMNO members at the time rejected it, and he left the party.

Nevertheless, the 1952 elections marked the first real political collaboration between Malays and non-Malays when UMNO and MCA joined forces for political victory.

They were later joined by MIC to form the Alliance, signalling political unity amongst all Malayans, achieving a sweeping victory in the 1955 elections. Then came the negotiations for Merdeka, where all Malaysians worked hand-in-hand to shrug off the yoke of colonialism. We learned that we were stronger together – when all Malaysians were united, we could overcome challenges.

All this happened against a backdrop of consistent armed warfare against terrorists during the Emergency, when all races fought shoulder to shoulder to gain victory. We are the only country in the world to defeat terrorists.

Then came the formation of Malaysia and the Konfrontasi and throughout
Malays were working with non-Malays to achieve national goals.

So, Malaysia has had a strong and rich history of inter-racial harmony and multiculturalism since its very inception. But we must admit that it is still very complex with jobs and economic sectors identified with race, income inequality between the races and different educational systems existing.

It cannot be denied that Malaysia will prosper when Malays prosper. You cannot have 50% of your population in low income, there will be economic instability affecting everyone, regardless of race or economic status.

For Malaysia to succeed, the Malays must succeed. But this can only be achieved within the national context, working together with non-Malays for the benefit of Malaysia.

Why is it that Malays were able to work so closely with non-Malays for so many years leading up to Merdeka and beyond? Even in the face of outside aggression, there were hardly questions of who deserved Malaysia more – the Malays or non-Malays. Indeed, it was only when politicians decided to use race and religion as tools to gain power that we fell by the wayside.

This talk is entitled “Naratif Malaysia: Melayu dalam Persoalan Nasional.” My question to you is: Should we not just be talking about a National Narrative? Need we break down a national narrative along racial and religious lines?

But if your intention is to find answers to inequality, and to answer why the Malays are behind economically, then I really hope that this seminar will provide the answer.

When we talk about the Malays, we must talk about Islam. The Malays and Islam are indeed deeply entwined. They cannot be discussed separately. But what this has led to is the ignoring of our cultural and regional heritage, which has been abandoned in favour of foreign cultures (Arabization especially) which feed into the insecurity of the Malays. It seems that everyone who does not speak like us and everything that we do not agree with, is a threat to Malays and Islam.

We must ask ourselves – is this true? Why is this so? Since when have the Malays and Muslims become so insecure about our place in this country? When the Malays were far less economically advanced and far less educated, we defeated the British by rejecting the Malayan Union. We were brave.

We knew to organise collectively and strategically. We used our brains to defeat a colonial power. We managed to gain independence without bloodshed. We had no problems working with non-Malays and even learning from other races.

As the Malays progressed, it seems so did our sense of insecurity. Why is this so? Could it be that when there were no crutches, we had dignity, and the Malays felt more secure of our place within the country?

We are not lacking in Malay heroes. Johor alone has a rich history of formidable warriors, renowned artists, poets, athletes, scientists, doctors, academicians, and businessmen.

There was Dato’ Muhamad Salleh bin Perang, who was the Dato’ Bentara Luar. He was the first to draw up an accurate map of Johor, without the modern technology that present-day surveyors have available. He was the Head of Land Management and State Survey, and he used his map to plan the development of Johor. He was a Malay, but he was fluent in Chinese and was knowledgeable about Chinese culture, which allowed him to work closely with them in developing the economy.

In the realm of politics alone, the list of honours is never ending. Tun Hussein Onn, our “Bapa Perpaduan”, was from Johor. And so was his own “Bapa”, the founder of UMNO, Dato’ Sri Onn Jaafar. His father before him, Dato’ Jaafar Muhammad, was the first and longest serving MB of Johor.

Deputy Prime Ministers Tun Dr Ismail and Tun Musa Hitam were sons of Johor. Tun Ismail’s family was illustrious on its own, including his father-in-law Dato’ Seth Said, Deputy MB of Johor, who was part of the delegation for Merdeka, and signed the Merdeka agreement against the Sultan’s orders. Without him, we would not have had merdeka.

Johor produced the President of Senate, Dato’ Rahman Yasin. He was Tun Dr Ismail’s father. Tun Dr Ismail’s brother-in-law Tan Sri General Ghazali Seth, was Chief of Defence, and he married Puan Sri Norziah – sister of Tun Hussein Onn, daughter of Dato’ Onn Jaafar.

Tun Dr Ismail went to school in Sekolah Melayu Bukit Zaharah in JB with two other famous figures – his brother, Dato’ Sulaiman Abdul Rahman, and Tan Sri Ahmad Perang, who became the first Malay Chairman of KTM.

Tan Sri Mohamed Noah bin Omar, the first Speaker of Dewan Rakyat, was also from Johor. His family too was very special – his two daughters married the men who would go on to be our Prime Ministers. Rahah, the wife of Tun Razak, and Suhaila, the wife of Tun Hussein Onn.

Tun Razak studied at Raffles College, with another son of Johor, Tan Sri Taib Andak, after whom Felda Taib Andak in Kulai is named. His brother Datuk Rahman Andak, was one of the early campaigners for Johor’s independence, and was State Secretary of Johor in 1984.

Governors of Bank Negara, Tan Sri Aziz Taha, Tan Sri Jaffar Hussein and Tan Sri Zeti Aziz. Professor Ungku Aziz, Tan Sri Zeti’s father, is a renowned economist. Tan Sri Zeti’s grandfather, Syed Mohammed Alsagoff, used to own Pulau Kukup, and had a concession to print his own money. Today, we use money signed by his granddaughter.

Why should we feel insecure with a legacy as illustrious as this?

Again, could it be that after being given all sorts of crutches, the effect has been to make the Malays weak and insecure, and most noticeably, lacking in resilience? What has led to this lack of confidence? It seems that when the 6 Malays were facing real challenges, such as fighting for independence, our resilience was so much stronger.

As ease and comfort and quality of life improved, confidence and resilience abated. These observations call for sincere self-reflection – instead of picking fights with perceived enemies, we should look inwards and try to better ourselves instead of blaming all of our ills on others. We seem to be scared of our own shadows.

Today, there is one Malay graduate for every 20 Malays. Despite being more educated and having a large educated segment, we are still unable to convince ourselves that Malays have nothing to fear in this country. Are Malays thinking strategically, critically and logically? It looks increasingly obvious every day that the Malays are thinking with their emotions instead of with their intellect. We must ask ourselves – what is happening to us?

We have allowed our emotions to run wild and influence the way we see others. We watch ghost movies at the box offices. When Mastika stopped writing ghost stories, circulation ended and now there is no more Mastika. Now instead of reading about ghosts in Mastika, we are seeing ghosts around every corner.

Instead of depending on logic and facts, we prefer to buy in to the racist rhetoric of politicians with dubious reputations.

Since I am talking to academicians, I would like to pose this question to you: What role should you be playing in injecting some logic and fact into the Malaysia narrative? Do you intend to go along with the emotional flow or do you see it as your academic duty to question the irrational narratives that are being shoved down the Malays’ throats?

Do you as “the educated” speak honestly and bravely about what is happening or do you simply pretend that this growing racism is justified

All of you here are highly educated but how many of you have bought into the nonsensical political rhetoric that the Malays are being threatened by the non- Malays in this country? That Islam is under threat simply because of one or two people being insensitive enough to post something on the Prophet?

The religion cannot be insulted. Only people can be. If our faith is strong, we do not get insulted. In fact, we laugh at such ignorance. And our behaviour should reflect the best of our religion so that we and our religion earn the respect of others.

Our country is multi-cultural and multi-religious. We have managed to live here in peace. We are sensitive to our neighbours and respect one another. This is our way.

It is wrong to insult anybody, more so the Prophet. To make fun of religion is stupid. But we have laws, and we should respect due process. Many have forgotten our Rukun Negara. The most important document is the Constitution.

No Malaysian should make insensitive comments towards other religions and races. But what has happened with the proclamation of Jihad against non-Muslims recently?

If Muslims want to perform Jihad, it should be Jihad to better ourselves not only spiritually, but economically, academically and to contribute to the continued growth of our own country.

We talk about the Malay narrative as if we are on the verge of being driven out of our own country. There is so much anger and indignation when non-Malays were appointed to high posts in the government, as if this is something new.

Why is there not the same anger when we are confronted with facts of corruption and kleptocracy of the highest order among our Malay leaders? We don’t feel offended when it was prime news all over the world. Instead, we respond with “Malu apa”. Kalau “tak malu”, apa jadi kepada iman kita

The Malays can continue down this emotional and irrational path at our own peril or we can stop, think, reflect and call for change.

Nobody is forcing us to be emotional and irrational. We have chosen to be that way ourselves because we have allowed ourselves to be bought over by politicians whose only goal is to gain or regain power, no matter what the cost – and the cost is almost always ours to bear.

So, the choice is up to us – nak duduk macam katak di bawah tempurung? Do we change and become a force to reckon within the context of the national agenda, Malaysia Baharu, or do we go down the path we are currently treading and proclaim a narrative that is narrow, focused only on ourselves? Or will we pursue a truly National or Malaysia Narrative, in which we participate and play a very active role?

The National Agenda is not a Malay agenda or a non-Malay agenda. It is a Malaysian Agenda that takes into consideration all Malaysians. That fights poverty and inequality without discrimination, respecting the Constitution.

I am glad to note that this seminar is directed at the 4 sectors of politics, economy, culture and religion. Let us get all of these right. To get all of these right, our education system must change. Don’t treat education as political football. The education system must be right.

Our future, Malaysia’s future, will depend on giving our children the right type of education that will allow them to be confident to face the best in the world.

Get education right, then politics and economy will be right. Brains minus emotions will determine our future and the future of Malaysia.

Expose our children to the world, then they will want to excel, and they wil protect the best of our budaya.

There is nothing wrong with Islam. It is not under threat. It is the fastest growing religion in the world.

I would like to advise you not to follow politicians blindly. As I said earlier, for Malaysia to succeed, the Malays must succeed. I keep repeating, Iqra’ – read to acquire knowledge and to think critically. Choose the right path that will lead to success.

Time is very important and we are excellent at wasting time. We will lose to time. Let us tell ourselves from now on we shall not repeat past mistakes. We will give the best education to our children so that they can compete and succeed. Let us leave all failure of confidence behind, and start our future now.

Leave this hall confident and OK with ourselves. Tell our children that we will compete and we will succeed.

This keynote speech was delivered by YABhg Tun Daim Zainuddin at UTM Skudai on the 19th March 2019 during the launching of “Siri Seminar Naratif Malaysia: Melayu dalam Persoalan Nasional” organized by IKMAS, UKM.